| Let me be specific about the daily chances of an earthquake
causing at least minor damage in the Reno-Carson City urban corridor.
Historical, potentially damaging earthquakes occurred in 1860, 1869,
1887, twice in 1914, and in 1948. Earthquakes in 1966 near Truckee
and 1994 south of Gardnerville were near misses. An earthquake in
1852 might have been strong enough to cause damage, but very little
is known about it. Not counting 1852, the six events since 1860
suggests an average of one every 22 years (Note
2). A well-established rule in seismology is that as the size
of earthquakes goes down, the number goes up rapidly. It is not
clear if this relatively high rate of events capable of some damage
is quite consistent with an interval of several hundred years between
extreme earthquakes; it might suggest that seriously damaging earthquakes
occur more frequently. We know much less about the rates of potentially
damaging earthquakes near Las Vegas, or near the other population
centers of Nevada for that matter, since the appropriate geological
and seismological observations have not been made yet (Note
3).
I would like to turn my attention to the economic effects. On this,
I am less of an expert, so I will limit myself to some elementary
points. From the viewpoint of an individual considering his risks,
there are direct effects and indirect effects. Direct effects are
direct damages to his property. Indirect effects include disruptions
to the community's infrastructure or reputation. For either type,
the effects can range from trivial to severe. The trivial cases
are fortunately more common: when the earthquake occurs in a relatively
unoccupied part of the Nevada desert, and causes little harm.
There is a greater variety of earthquakes that could cause indirect
effects. I will identify three types of these indirect effects caused
by earthquakes in other regions, and which have interrupted business
activities.
Transportation. One effect is disruption of
transportation. For instance, the economy of the Truckee Meadows
depends heavily on the present transportation system: Interstate
80 is a main artery for shipping and for tourism. In Northridge
and in Kobe, earthquakes destroyed main highways. Interstate 80
crosses major faults between Reno and Sacramento, and also between
Reno and Winnemucca. Faulting or shaking caused by an earthquake
in the Sierras could destroy bridges or cause landslides that
could stop traffic on the interstate for several days or even
weeks. Alternate routes may not exist around some major bridges
over the Truckee River, for instance in the Truckee River Canyon
in California.
The Reno airport could also be affected by a strong earthquake.
It is constructed on very soft material - former marsh land -
that is considered to have some potential for liquefaction - which
means that the soils under the runways lose strength and flow
like a liquid. The consequence could be loss of ability to use
a runway. During the Loma Prieta earthquake in 1989, the Oakland
airport lost a significant part of its main runway, although it
was able to continue to operate.
Damage to the area's reputation. One spectacular
failure anyplace in the region could discourage a significant
number of potential tourists from coming to the state, even if
most structures are not affected. For instance, after the Loma
Prieta earthquake, which was a significant distance from San Francisco
and caused no damage to the majority of structures, tourism to
San Francisco decreased substantially and only returned to pre-earthquake
levels after several years. Thus, business activity and state
revenue could decrease in a major way just at a time when the
revenue is needed the most to help with recovery efforts.
Lifelines. Utilities including electric power,
water, phone, gas, and sewer are often interrupted by a strong
earthquake, and take days to weeks to reestablish depending on
the severity. Reno is also vulnerable because virtually all of
our petroleum supplies arrive by pipeline from the San Francisco
Bay area, and are shipped on a "just in time" basis.
A strong earthquake in the Bay area or in Reno could disrupt this
supply.
Direct effects could occur in a spectrum of effects ranging from
minor to the worst case. Serious earthquakes, but weaker than this
"worst case", could happen much more frequently, as I
mentioned earlier. I will describe only the worst case. We suggest
that happens once every 1000 years or so near Reno, for instance,
in the form of an earthquake on the Genoa fault, which is on the
east side of the Carson range (Note 4). In
this earthquake, we could expect damage from Stead to Gardnerville.
Well built structures throughout the region would have all the contents
of shelves on the floor, but for most of the region, structural
damage would mainly be architectural damage like cracked plaster,
loose ceiling tiles, broken windows or perhaps broken chimneys.
Poorly built structures such as unreinforced brick buildings could
collapse throughout the region. In the areas of strongest shaking,
ground motions would probably be comparable to the strongest motions
in Kobe or Northridge, that is three times greater than those specified
in the present building code for ordinary structures. Some preliminary
information that I have seen about the Kobe earthquake suggests
that the building code design specifications in Reno are about the
same as those used for some of the buildings that failed in Kobe.
Consequently, in this worst case earthquake, there could be failures
of some modern buildings. In other words, merely because the structure
has been designed to meet the present building code does not provide
complete protection from structural damage in the worst earthquakes
the region could experience.
Individuals, home owners, and businesses have the alternative to
build structures that exceed the requirements of the building code,
although this is more expensive. Likewise, the legislature has the
ability to require structures to be designed to a higher level than
the recommendations that are given in the Uniform Building Code.
In buying a car, many people are willing to accept the added cost
of a Cadillac in return for better performance; this sort of more
expensive alternative is also a possibility with earthquake resistant
construction although it is hardly ever considered.
Finally, I should like to tell you a little of what I know about
earthquake insurance. On this also, I am not an expert. I do know
that there is a national debate going on right now about earthquake
insurance. Some people in Congress are unhappy with providing major
emergency relief efforts that run up the deficit by bailing out
areas that have not taken prudent mitigation measures (see attached
article in Note 5: GOP: NO MORE AUTOMATIC DISASTER
AID). Many people consider the national level the only level able
to develop a sufficiently large insurance pool. My understanding
is that this is not a high priority with the Republican leadership,
and has lost some momentum compared to before the November elections.
I would suggest that this is a national level trend that ought to
be watched carefully in your deliberations about earthquake insurance.
Note 1.
One could compare with a popular game in our casinos: the chance
of any one individual winning a million dollar prize in Megabucks
is quite small, but so many people are trying that there are relatively
frequent winners. In this analogy, the many players would correspond
to the numerous faults, and the winner would correspond to the fault
that has a magnitude 7 earthquake.
Note 2. For comparison,
if I were to play $100.00 every single day in Megabucks, my daily
chances of winning a million dollar jackpot would be smaller than
the daily chances of an earthquake causing at least minor damage
in the Reno-Carson City urban corridor.
Note 3. I see little
prospect of the appropriate studies being completed in the near
future. Lack of financial support is a major problem. The U. S.
Geological Survey supports operation of the seismic network in western
Nevada, but has no funds to allow the network to expand to provide
adequate coverage of the Las Vegas area or the northeastern part
of the state. The UNR Seismological Laboratory likewise does not
have sufficient equipment and operating funds to allow this expansion.
The other needed group of studies is the neotectonic geology of
the faults near population centers. Only one of about 20 faults
near the Reno-Carson City urban corridor has been the focus of any
thorough studies that might be considered approaching modern standards.
None of the faults near Las Vegas have been studied adequately,
although there is good reason to believe they are active. Likewise,
none of the faults near Elko or other smaller Nevada population
centers have been studied. Again, the problem is manpower. The best
hope is to obtain Federal help by means of research grants and contracts,
especially from the U. S. Geological Survey. However, that program
is being scrutinized at present for cuts by the U. S. Congress in
the interest of balancing the Federal budget, and its future is
uncertain.
This is extremely unfortunate. Considering the rapid growth in
these regions, it would be far better to know the earthquake risk
up front, and have the confidence that design standards are appropriate.
The worst situation is to discover, after the development is complete,
that designs were inadequate. That discovery can happen two ways.
Sometimes, geologists study the faults and prove the case. More
often, it happens in a devastating earthquake.
Note 4. We do not
know how often earthquakes that are nearly as severe occur on other
faults in the region.
Note 5.
GOP: NO MORE AUTOMATIC DISASTER AID
CALIFORNIA'S BAILOUTS WILL DEPEND ON CUTS ELSEWHERE
By THOMAS FARRAGHER Mercury News Washington Bureau
WASHINGTON -- California residents, accustomed to billions in federal
aid to
rebuild after crippling earthquakes and devastating floods, got
a stern warning
Friday that those bailouts would no longer be so automatic.
House Speaker Newt Gingrich said that from now on, Republican leaders
in
Congress would insist that federal disaster aid to states be offset
with cuts
elsewhere -- new political math that could imperil nearly $5 billion
in
requested relief for California and future assistance to the state.
Generally, disaster funds are sent to states under special budget
rules that do
not require Congress to earmark offsetting cuts. But Gingrich said
House
Republican leaders had decided to change that practice and would
no longer
exempt disaster aid, beginning with Clinton's latest aid request
for
California.
''I am very committed to getting California the money, because
I think it's a
legitimate request,'' Gingrich said of President Clinton's request
this week
for $4.9 billion for lingering Northridge quake repairs and $500,000
for
repairs from last month's flooding.
''But every American family that faces an emergency has to either
borrow the
money and pay it back -- as opposed to borrow it forever and leave
your
grandchildren to pay for it -- or the family has to cut spending
something. You
don't have this thing of waving a magic wand and saying, 'Well,
this is an
emergency.' ''
In a letter sent to Clinton this week, Gingrich was joined by GOP
Majority
Leader Dick Armey, R-Texas, and the heads of the House Budget and
Appropriations committees in asking the White House to outline cuts
it wants to
make to pay for the requested aid.
''We will not act on the balance of the requests until you have
identified
offsets and deductions to make up the balance of the funding,''
said the
signers, who together have the clout to control spending approved
by the House.
''Whether these activities are emergencies or not, it will be our
policy to pay
for them, rather than add to our already immense deficit problems.''
But finding other programs to cut is becoming increasingly difficult
as
lawmakers look for ways to trim the budget deficit. What it means
for
California taxpayers is this: If repairs for a certain disaster
were to cost,
say, $10 billion and Congress could find only $7 billion in cuts
to pay for
that, the state would be left with a $3 billion repair tab -- and
taxpayers
could end up footing the bill.
Gov. Pete Wilson, who met with Gingrich this week, seemed taken
off guard by
the new Republican budget calculus. He told reporters the GOP speaker
never
mentioned the plan during a meeting this week.
''What I want in terms of treatment for Californians is that they
be treated as
disaster victims have been in Hawaii, Florida, South Carolina, Iowa,
Illinois,
Michigan -- all these places that have legitimately made claims
when, through
no fault of their own, their people have been sorely afflicted,''
Wilson said.
He said if Congress decided to demand cuts elsewhere in the budget
to provide
disaster aid to states, it could find less-deserving programs than
helping
earthquake victims.
''People who are afflicted with natural disasters don't choose
to be,'' the
Republican governor said. ''And if they suffer real and serious
injury, then I
think it is the American way -- and has been -- to help out.
''But that doesn't exempt Congress from the necessity, as we are
not exempted
at the state level, from having to find ways to pay for it.''
Gingrich said Friday that the president had yet to suggest cuts
to pay for the
new aid request.
''And we're saying, 'Send us your wish list.' And if you can't
find it in
fiscal '95, show us what we could cut out of fiscal '96,'' Gingrich
said. ''But
don't tell us that we're not going to be fiscally responsible and
actually
fight our way to a balanced budget, as hard as that is.''
When the administration was asked for comment, a representative
of James Lee
Witt, director of the Federal Emergency Management Agency, said
Witt was
concerned about his agency's ability to provide disaster relief
under the new
rules.
''He hopes the situation can be resolved so that recovery from
the various
disasters in this country can continue,'' the official said.
Clinton's request this week would bring to $16 billion the amount
of federal
money supplied to help rebuild Southern California after the most
costly
natural disaster in U.S. history. The Jan. 17, 1994, quake registered
6.7 on
the Richter scale. Funds that already have been approved would not
be affected
by the new House policy.
In recent weeks, some leading Democratic lawmakers have asked that
the federal
disaster relief program be dismantled, proposing a replacement system
that
would make the states pay the repair bills.
Reps. David Obey, D-Wis., Charles Stenholm, D-Texas, and Richard
Durbin,
D-Ill., have introduced legislation that would establish an insurance
pool
among states based on a risk assessment. States' participation in
that system
would be voluntary.
Obey said 160 House members voted last year to eliminate emergency
appropriations altogether. And, he said, that sentiment is growing
stronger.
California's congressional delegation has condemned that plan.
''Much of the damage which has required federal disaster funds
in recent years
has resulted directly from zoning decisions by state and local authorities
to
permit the development of coastal areas and flood plains prone to
flooding and
other natural disasters,'' said Obey, the ranking Democrat on the
House
Appropriations Committee.
''The authorities who make those decisions do not equally weigh
the risks and
benefits of such decisions because currently state and local governments
can
pass the risks on to taxpayers in other jurisdictions.''
MERCURY CENTER ID: me55737c
Transmitted: 95-02-11 05:25:02 EST
|